{"id":35807,"date":"2026-07-03T10:00:00","date_gmt":"2026-07-03T09:00:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/?p=35807"},"modified":"2026-08-13T14:03:01","modified_gmt":"2026-08-13T13:03:01","slug":"female-migration-and-cross-border-transfers-of-goods-the-work-of-senegalese-domestic-workers-in-mauritania-and-morocco","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/migrations-and-african-society\/female-migration-and-cross-border-transfers-of-goods-the-work-of-senegalese-domestic-workers-in-mauritania-and-morocco\/","title":{"rendered":"Female Migration and Cross-Border Transfers of Goods: The Work of Senegalese Domestic Workers in Mauritania and Morocco"},"content":{"rendered":"\n
\n

Senegalese domestic workers mainly perform household tasks\u2014cleaning, cooking, and childcare. However, they also engage in small-scale trade by purchasing goods, organizing their transfer home, and generating resale profits. Thus, domestic work becomes a gateway to broader transnational economic strategies linking Morocco, Mauritania, and Senegal.<\/em><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n\n\n\n

Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Female migration remains largely pushed to the margins of public discourse. (Setrana, 2025).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

It is often overshadowed by highly mediatized narratives of so-called irregular migration, widely circulated and amplified through social media. Moreover, \u201cGiven the overwhelming predominance of males in the process in the early part of the century, it is not surprising that most of the studies of migrant in general, and in West Africa on particular, have focused on men\u201d<\/em> (Sudarkasa, 1977, p. 178). Yet, they are \u201c75, 6 million domestic workers aged 15 years and above\u201d<\/em> (Bonnet, Carr\u00e9, & Vanek, 2022). Beyond these dominant representations, there are productive trajectories of Senegalese women that deserve closer attention. This article seeks to explore and analyze these overlooked dynamics.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fieldwork was conducted in Nouadhibou (Mauritania), Agadir, and Casablanca (Morocco) between February and March 2025, focusing on Senegalese domestic workers. Adopting a qualitative approach, the study draws on semi-structured interviews and life histories to examine their profiles, their diverse migration pathways, and their engagement in cross-border transfers of goods to Senegal through overland routes.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alongside income diversification, another key dimension is the cross-border circulation of goods between Morocco, Mauritania, and Senegal. These women organize regular transfers of food and manufactured products to Senegal along structured routes reaching Rosso and extending to cities such as Louga, Touba, Rufisque. In doing so, they sustain transnational flows that link households, support local economies, and reshape migration beyond mere survival strategies.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Profile of Senegalese Domestic Workers in Nouadhibou and Casablanca<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

These women are typically between thirty and forty-five years old. This age range is not incidental. It reassures employers. It suggests prior experience in managing a household, caring for children, and anticipating their needs and moods. In local narratives, a recurring idea circulates: \u201cFamilies prefer older, more mature domestic workers. Younger ones may attract their husbands.\u201d<\/em> (A.D., 33 years, Agadir).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Most of these women are divorced or widowed, often for many years, and as sole providers for their children they migrate to neighboring countries in search of economic autonomy. They reach Mauritania and Morocco through overland routes, and their entry into the labor market relies on skills acquired in their home context: household management, domestic organization, and childcare.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Their level of formal education remains generally low. Yet, this limited educational capital paradoxically becomes an advantage in accessing employment. \u201cWomen with little or no schooling are recruited first. Because when such opportunities arise, educated woman may leave abruptly, often at a moment when children have grown attached to her. Employers then struggle to find a suitable replacement.\u201d<\/em> (I.C., 36 years, Agadir)<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Domestic Work and the Transfer of Goods to the Country of Origin (Senegal)<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Beyond reportable violence (Diab, et al., 2023), many domestic workers also experience respectful working relationships. Wages vary depending on workload, generally ranging between 40,000 and 60,000 ouguiyas at months (100-150 Euro) in Mauritania and more in Morocco. Despite recurring complaints about delayed payments and the accumulation of unpaid wages, these incomes are still perceived as relatively advantageous given the market opportunities they generate. The salary itself is not, in fact, the central issue.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Instead of sending money, these women prioritize the purchase of goods locally. They assemble packages of food items (crates of fruit, bags of vegetables, oil\u2026) as well as bundles of clothing, often second-hand clothes imported from Europe. These goods are then shipped to Senegal through a system known as \u201c<\/em>groupage\u201d<\/em>. <\/em>\u201cGroupage\u201d means a collective shipping method in which several small consignments, belonging to different senders, are combined into a single container.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

The use of \u201cgroupage\u201d <\/em>in Mauritanian and Moroccan containers allows for cost-sharing and fosters forms of commercial solidarity. Goods are pooled together, and transportation expenses are distributed among domestic workers, businesswomen, traders, and other actors engaged in these circuits. Goods purchased at low prices abroad are sent to Senegal, where they are received and resold by relatives, often siblings, who handle their distribution locally. Mobile phones play a central role in the management of this long-distance trade. (Ilahiane, 2023). They enable these women to coordinate with drivers and to manage the sale of goods through relatives based in their country of origin. Some women report multiplied returns. The profits help cover essential expenses such as rent, children\u2019s education, and daily household needs.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While cases of mistreatment by some employing households still occur, they are socially disapproved. The women describe locally grounded mechanisms of regulation operating at different levels. In situations of conflict, religious authorities such as neighborhood imams or market delegates, often intervene as informal mediators and figures of moral oversight. When tensions persist, Senegalese migrant associations play a crucial supportive role, engaging directly with employers to facilitate mediation.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

In addition, elder collectives, composed of earlier generations of Senegalese migrants settled in Mauritania and Morocco, act as influential intermediaries. Their familiarity with administrative structures allows them to intervene in cases of abuse. Protection relies more on shared social norms and networks of solidarity than on police security.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Conclusion<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Senegalese domestic workers rely not only on wages but also on strategies of conversion and circulation: they turn income into goods, organize their transfer, and maximize their value upon return. Thus, financial autonomy is not just about earnings, but also about the ability to mobilize networks and engage in transnational economies. Through domestic work, side activities, and trade, they build fragile yet effective economic balances.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Bibliography<\/h1>\n\n\n\n

Bonnet, F., Carr\u00e9, F., & Vanek, J. (2022). Domestic workers in the world: a statistical profile. Wiego Statistical Brief<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Diab, J. L., Yimer, B., Birhanu, T., Kitoko, A., Gidey, A., & Ankrah, F. (2023). The gender dimensions of sexual violence against migrant domestic workers in post-2019 lebanon. Frontiers in Sociology, 7<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ilahiane, H. (2023). Made for Maids: Female Domestic Workers and the Use of Mobile Phones in The Slums of Urban Morocco. Anthropology of the Middle East, 18<\/em>(2), pp. 85-102.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Setrana, M. B. (2025). Unpacked narratives on migration governance: missing voices of female migrants in migration policies in West Africa. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 51<\/em>(18).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Sudarkasa, N. (1977). Women and migration in contemporary West Africa. Journal of Woman in Culture and Society, 3<\/em>(1), pp. 178-179.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Author: Baye Masse Mbaye<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

This article has been funded by the \u201cCOMPASS\u201d project (1\/MAC\/4\/7.2\/0018), approved under the INTERREG VI D MADEIRA-AZORES-CANARIAS territorial cooperation programme, MAC 2021-2027, co-financed at 85% by ERDF funds<\/em>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\"\"<\/figure>\n\n\n\n

<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Senegalese domestic workers mainly perform household tasks\u2014cleaning, cooking, and childcare. However, they also engage in small-scale trade by purchasing goods, organizing their transfer home, and generating resale profits. Thus, domestic work becomes a gateway to broader transnational economic strategies linking Morocco, Mauritania, and Senegal. Introduction Female migration remains largely pushed to the margins of public […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":5,"featured_media":35810,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[3789],"tags":[3611,664,792,3734,1490,3733,1880,3732,3735],"class_list":["post-35807","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-migrations-and-african-society","tag-compass","tag-destacado","tag-empleo","tag-empleo-de-hogar","tag-migracion","tag-migracion-femenina","tag-recomendamos","tag-trabajadora-del-hogar","tag-transferencia-de-mercancia"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/35807","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/5"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=35807"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/35807\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":35808,"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/35807\/revisions\/35808"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/35810"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=35807"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=35807"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.esafrica.es\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=35807"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}