Migrant artists with move across Senegal, Mauritania, and Morocco, performing, negotiating, and sustaining their livelihoods. Their trajectories reveal a musical economy shaped by opportunities and discreet networks. Can art truly provide a living? This article addresses this question by examining the profiles and contractual practices of migrant musicians, both settled and circulating across West Africa.

Introduction

Migration in West Africa is most often analyzed through the lenses of irregular migration (Diop, 2025). However, other mobile figures circulating within the African continent remain largely overlooked in these dominant perspectives. Among them, migrant musicians constitute a discreet yet active category, whose trajectories are embedded in transnational economies that remain insufficiently documented.

These migrant musicians include a wide range of profiles: singers, djembé drummers, dancers, flute players, keyboardists, and kora players. They move across several West African countries, especially Mauritania, Senegal, Morocco, in search of performance opportunities (Djedje, 2015). Between March and April 2025, the ethnographic study was based on semi-structured interviews and direct observations conducted in several strategic locations: in Casablanca (Morocco), in a festive space known as “La Casa” in Nouakchott (Mauritania), and at Hotel “La Poste” in Saint-Louis (Senegal).

Against this background, our objective is to address a central question: can art provide a sustainable livelihood for African artists within West Africa? To explore this issue, the following analysis presents the profiles of these migrant musicians, analyzes how they access and negotiate contracts.

Profile and Categorization of Migrant Musicians in West Africa

There are two main categories of African migrant musicians. First, there is the group of “missionary” musicians, locally referred to as “free sharks”. Often workers, students, or small traders, they do not belong to stable orchestras and rarely engage in regular rehearsals. In most cases, they are organized around a central figure: the singer. The singer holds a dominant position, as he negotiates contracts with promoters. This centrality can be explained by the fact that the value of the performance is often linked to the musical style, which the singer embodies more directly.

Given that festival opportunities are spaced out over time, “missionary” musicians face periods of inactivity lasting from two to three months. To cope with this irregular income, the singer-musician creates themed music events, negotiates with venues, sets dates, and personally distributes invitations through migrant associations and social networks. Sometimes, well-known local artists are invited to increase the event’s appeal: “it’s a good boost. The audience comes in large numbers to see that artist, especially one loved by women. It’s a real customer magnet.” (B.S, migrant musician in Casablanca). However, the income of a “missionary” musician generally ranges between 800 and 1500 dirhams per performance. These earnings are mainly used to cover basic needs, such as pocket money and daily food expenses.

• Professional Migrant Musicians and Gender Dynamics

The second category of migrant musicians is commonly referred to as “pro”.

They are distinguished, first, by their official recognition, such as holding an artist card issued by the Kingdom of Morocco. However, in Senegal and Mauritania, their status is more often defined by their past collaborations with major figures of African music. “They have played with Laba Sose, Youssou Ndour, Papa Wemba, Toumani Diakité among others… That is what builds their reputation.” (N.D., migrant guitarist, Nouakchott, interviewed at “La Casa”). As a result, this reputation functions as a key resource, enabling them to access more stable and better-paid performance opportunities. Consequently, income from musical activities allows them to cover essential living expenses, including housing, children’s education, and the daily management of their households.

At the same time, the question of gender reveals a strong imbalance within these migrant musical circuits, which are largely male-dominated. Women are almost absent among instrumentalists and are mostly confined to supporting roles, such as backing vocalists or occasional opening performers. This limited participation can be explained, in part, by time constraints linked to their parallel professional activities. Indeed, most of the women encountered work in call centers, while others are engaged in small businesses in the markets, as restaurant managers or hairdressers. Therefore, this double workload significantly restricts their availability and limits their involvement in musical production and performance.

• Musical Economy: Can Art Provide a Living in West Africa?

The Moroccan context stands out for its relatively organized cultural and entertainment sector, particularly in urban areas such as the Aïn Diab district in Casablanca. This area concentrates several emblematic venues that structure the nightlife and musical scene. For instance, Djadja is a well-known Afro-oriented club where performances take place either in playback or with a live band. Similarly, venues such as Wissam Amir, Joumana Lounge and Calipso combine dining, musical ambiance, and live performances, offering artists different types of stages and opportunities. At the same time, a more discreet economy develops within the private residences of Mauritanian and Moroccan elites, based on exclusive forms of entertainment. As one anonymous respondent explains: “They are wealthy merchants, luxury car dealers who love magicians, storytellers… In one night, you can earn 9000 dirhams (828 Euro)”. In such contexts, artistic performance is highly valued; however, access to these opportunities depends largely on selective social networks. As a result, not all artists are able to enter these lucrative circuits.

Other configurations emerge in cities such as Saint-Louis, where some artists develop a different relationship to their musical activity. A reggae musician said: “I have not earned large amounts of money. But I enjoy raising awareness through reggae. I met my wife during my tours.” Such accounts highlight forms of fulfillment that rely less on material accumulation than on encounters, mobility, and lived experiences across the African continent.

Conclusion

Can art provide a living in West Africa? For “missionary” musicians, musical activity remains insufficient due to the irregularity of performances, forcing them to rely on parallel jobs (call centers, trade in the Medina market, transport activities in Nouakchott, and Senegal). In contrast, “pro” musicians and those performing for wealthy households are able to make a living from their art. However, beyond financial income, it is important to consider the intangible resources that music provides: increased mobility, access to social networks, recognition, and personal fulfillment.

Bibliography

Diop, M. (2025). Senegal’s migration challenge: between hope and tragedy. DialogueMigration. Récupéré sur https://dialoguemigration.com/en/news/senegals-migration-challenge-between-hope-and-tragedy/

Djedje, J. C. (2015). Music and Diasporas Within West Africa. The Pre-colonial Era.

Author: Baye Masse Mbaye

This article has been funded by the “COMPASS” project (1/MAC/4/7.2/0018), approved under the INTERREG VI D MADEIRA-AZORES-CANARIAS territorial cooperation programme, MAC 2021-2027, co-financed at 85% by ERDF funds.