This article argues that the migration of Senegalese youth within West Africa is not only more significant in scale, but also more meaningful in terms of social and familial organization.
It shows that migration is shaped by socio-familial dynamics, including family expectations and collective strategies. In this sense, migration should not be understood as an individual decision, but as a social process rooted in family structures and others social relationship such as religious groups (dahira[1]), peer networks, and cultural or sports associations.
INTRODUCTION
In recent years, many meadia and people often focus on irregular migration of youth African by sea, especially the journeys of Senegalese youth towards Europe: “The toll is devastating. Between January and August 2024, more than 25,500 migrants_ mostly Senegalese and other West Africans _ arrived in the Canary Islands. However, behind these numbers lie countless lives lost at sea” (Diop, 2025).
However, this perspective overlooks a more common and less visible social reality.
Most Senegalese youth move within countries in West Africa like Mauritania, Marocco, Mali, Gambie, Niger… These regional mobilities are often more accessible, less risky and deeply connected to everyday economic and social life.
This section draws on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between January and March 2026 in Dakar, Saint-Louis and Thiès, including seven focus groups and extended observations within high schools, youth clubs, sports and cultural associations, and religious circles.
The objective was to understand how young people collectively perceive migration and how these perceptions are socially produced.
Senegalese family structure as the primary arena of youth migration
Most migrants originate from extended family structures rather than nuclear households.
These families are often organized in large compounds composed of several paternal segments, under the authority of a polygamous household head with two to four wives. Each wife has children, and male offspring are particularly valued, as they are expected to maintain the family name and assume long-term responsibilities.
Over time, adult sons remain within the family compound, forming a collective domestic space where multiple households coexist. Each brother seeks economic activity, builds a room within the compound, and gradually establishes his own family. As children are born, the compound becomes increasingly dense. However, this density is not experienced as deprivation. It is lived as proximity, solidarity, and continuous social interaction. Children are collectively raised, moving between households, sharing meals, sleeping spaces, and emotional bonds.
This extended family structure constitutes a central yet often overlooked foundation of migration projects. As local economic activities become less productive, many men are no longer able to meet the growing needs of their households. Migration then emerges as a necessary strategy. Young people depart for destinations such as Mauritania, Gambia, or Morocco, often engaging in informal and daily labor. (Tandian, 2018).
A key social principle structuring these dynamics is the notion of “nawlé”, a Wolof term referring to a form of social rivalry among equals within the family. Brothers, and more broadly family members, are engaged in a continuous comparison of achievement, recognition, and responsibility. Migration becomes a central arena for this competition. Success abroad allows individuals to support their mothers, finance religious projects such as the pilgrimage to Mecca, marry, and gain prestige within the family. Conversely, failure exposes them to comparison and social pressure.
This logic of rivalry extends beyond men. Women and children also internalize these comparisons, which shape behaviors, aspirations, and consumption practices.
Material appearance, generosity, and the capacity to provide become key markers of social value. At every level of the family structure, individuals are evaluated in relation to others.
In this context, migration is not only an economic necessity but also a moral and social obligation, deeply embedded in family expectations and collective honor. Beyond the family, migration is also shaped by peer and social circles.
“From talk to departure”: Tea group, “Dahiras” as spaces for the production of youth migration aspirations
Beyond the family sphere, peer networks and other youth spaces play a decisive role in shaping migration aspirations among Senegalese youth. The discussions reveal a strong tension in how young Senegalese see migration. On the one hand, many people express a desire to stay in Senegal and support their families. As one participant said: “If everyone leaves, who will bury our dead parents? And who will take care of the family?”. In this sens, Migration can be seen as a form of moral departure. On the other hand, leaving is often considered necessary to escape social expectations. Another participant explained that migration allows them to “come back stronger and prove their value in front of their nawlé.”
In religious groups such as dahiras, migrants are highly valued. Their financial contributions are publicly recognized, and their names are often mentioned during gatherings. In schools and among younger students, many young people express a desire to discover other African countries, but their choices are not always clear at first. Over time, specific destinations become associated with specific opportunities as seen in the goods and gifts migrant bring back during religious festivals. If these occasional return migrants act as “messengers” (Glyniadak, Ratzmann, & Stier, 2025), they transmit aspirations to migrate to other African countries.
Youth gatherings, especially tea groups, are important spaces where migrants are evaluated. These groups act as mirrors of local success and failure. One participant clearly distinguished between destinations: “Those who go to Europe suffer. They talk about papers and long waiting. In the end, they only build a house for themselves. But those in African countries do more useful things for the whole neighborhood.”
These comparisons shape a clear preference for migration within Africa. African destinations are seen as more accessible and more connected to local life. Migrants can return more often, stay in contact with their families, and show visible results. In contrast, Europe is often associated with distance and isolation.
CONCLUSION
Overall, this research shows that migration among Senegalese youth is not primarily an economic decision, but is shaped by social recognition, peer influence, and shared experiences. In spaces such as dahiras, tea circles, and youth clubs, young people compare and evaluate different migration pathways. Family structures, especially extended and polygamous households, also play a central role, as rivalry and the desire to honor the family give migration strong social and moral meaning. As a result, intra-African migration is often seen as more accessible and socially valued than migration to Europe, with many youths preferring nearby destinations that offer more realistic opportunities.
Bibliography
Diop, M. (2025). Senegal’s migration challenge: between hope and tragedy. DialogueMigration. Récupéré sur https://dialoguemigration.com/en/news/senegals-migration-challenge-between-hope-and-tragedy/
Glyniadak, K., Ratzmann, N., & Stier, J. (2025). Migrant returnees as (anti-)migration messengers? A case of street-level representative bureaucracy in Senegal. International Migration. Récupéré sur https://doi.org/10.1111/imig.13382
Tandian, A. (2018). Senegalese Migration: Between Local Motives and International Factors. Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung.
[1] A dahira is a Senegalese religious group, often linked to Sufi brotherhoods, where members gather for faith reinforcement, moral guidance, and prayers for relatives, creating strong social networks that can influence youth migration aspiration
Author: Baye Masse Mbaye
This article has been funded by the “COMPASS” project (1/MAC/4/7.2/0018), approved under the INTERREG VI D MADEIRA-AZORES-CANARIAS territorial cooperation programme, MAC 2021-2027, co-financed at 85% by ERDF funds.
